The collaborative process for developing the Tusayan Community Wildfire Protection Plan began May 5, 2004 at a Tusayan/Grand Canyon Chamber of Commerce Board meeting in Tusayan. A CWPP is developed to assist local fire districts, local governmental agencies and residents in the identification of lands—including federal lands—at risk from severe wildfire threat and to identify strategies for reducing fuels on wildlands while improving forest health, supporting local economies, and improving firefighting response capabilities.

The wild land/urban interface is a concern in Coconino County because of the potential for wild land fuels to ignite combustible structures and vice-versa. Destroying homes, property, and trees is just one way that wildfire harms an area. Wildfires can destroy habitat, soils, and forest health, disrupting economic stability, transportation corridors, recreation opportunities, water supplies, and scenery, as well as undermining a community’s emotional and spiritual well-being. Reducing the threat of catastrophic wildfire is a priority in the wild land/urban interface. This plan outlines actions needed to prepare and equip the greater Flagstaff community to live and thrive within our fire-adapted ponderosa pine forests.

19 members of the Granite Mountain Interagency Hotshot Crew died after being entrapped and burned over on the Yarnell Hill Fire in Yarnell, Arizona. The purpose of this document is to provide:
* A timeline of events that occurred between the time of ignition on June 28 and the entrapment and burnover on June 30;
* An analysis of the fire behavior and fire weather on June 30;
* A discussion of overhead management, strategies and tactics used on the fire, and documentation of decision points leading up to the entrapment and burnover that claimed the lives of the firefighters.

Fort Lowell was a supply base for the United States Army “Apache Campaigns” between 1873 and 1891. Following abandonment of the fort in 1891, settlers moved in and used some fort buildings as residences, or stripped the buildings of useful materials. By the 1930s, much of the fort had fallen into disrepair or had been sold off. Eventually, the City of Tucson acquired a large portion of the old fort which became what is today’s “Fort Lowell Park.” A 5.2 acre (“Adkins”) parcel of the former fort containing several original adobe buildings was still in private ownership, and the 2004 County bond election passed a proposal to acquire the land and preserve the historic resources.

This pamphlet describes CyberPort as multinational in its approach, considering the impacts of cross-border traffic at the local, state, and regional levels. The goal of CyberPort in Arizona is to increase the capacity of Nogales, San Luis and Douglas to serve as safe, secure and efficient gateways between the United States and Mexico. Nogales, as Arizona’s primary commercial port-of-entry, is naturally positioned to serve as the port of choice for western U.S.-Mexico trade.

The Nogales CyberPort Project began in the Spring of 2002 amid dramatic changes to the safety and security of U.S. borders. Throughout the following year, extraordinary change was experienced in policy and practice regarding the treatment of the border at the local, state and federal levels. While the movement toward a more efficient and effective border crossing environment has been underway in Arizona and the U.S. for a number of years, there is perhaps a no more appropriate time to undertake the effort to define and implement a CyberPort than right now.

The Nogales CyberPort Project began in the Spring of 2002 amid dramatic changes to the safety and security of U.S. borders. Throughout the following year, extraordinary change was experienced in policy and practice regarding the treatment of the border at the local, state and federal levels. While the movement toward a more efficient and effective border crossing environment has been underway in Arizona and the U.S. for a number of years, there is perhaps a no more appropriate time to undertake the effort to define and implement a CyberPort than right now.

The quality of jobs in the United States became a national concern in the 1980s after a long period of losses of relatively high-paying manufacturing jobs and gains of frequently low-paying service jobs. National job quality remains a concern today, as witnessed by the debate in the 2004 presidential campaign. The overall average wage is a measure of prosperity or well-being, but is not in itself a measure of job quality since job quality is just one of several factors — including cost of living, productivity, and desirability of an area — that affect the overall average wage. Little information on these factors is available by state. Adjusting for job quality reduces the state-by-state variation in wages. However, even after adjusting for job quality, the average wage still varies substantially by state.

The long-term trend toward lower-quality jobs in the United States continued between 2001 and 2004. Industrial job quality fell 1.6 percent nationally between 2001 and 2004. The decrease in occupational job quality was not quite as great at 0.9 percent. Thus, overall U.S. job quality dropped 2.5 percent during the three years, causing the U.S. average wage to be 2.5 percent less than it otherwise would have been. Arizona’s job quality fell between 2001 and 2004 at a pace worse than the national average. Relative to the national average, the industrial and occupational job mixes each slipped a bit more than 0.3 percent during the three years, for an overall decline of 0.7 percent. In Arizona, job quality in 2004 was 2.0 percent below the national average, but Arizona ranked 23rd among all states.