In 1996, ASU’s Morrison Institute for Public Policy began asking residents and leaders in Greater Phoenix, “What does quality of life mean to you, and how do you measure it?” After an 18-month process, the first volume of What Matters was published in September 1997, creating a baseline of opinion and data about “quality of life” and what it means to the people who live here. The report was quickly recognized both within the region and nationally among indicator projects for its simple, yet unique presentation of public perception (survey) data and regional statistical, or indicator, data.

Bullying and violence in K-12 schools have been in the policy spotlight in Arizona for almost a decade. However, current indicators and recent traumatic events show that a range of anti-social behaviors on school campuses remain a major threat to student well-being and learning. This briefing was distributed at panel discussion on bullying and safe school environments, focusing on such issues.

Local residents expressed their concerns regarding the tailings from the Iron King Mine and Humboldt Smelter at Dewey-Humboldt, AZ. The purpose of this health consultation is to evaluate the available water and soil sampling results to determine if the detected metal levels pose adverse health effects when residents come into contact with the water or soil. In 2008, EPA initiated the field investigation portion of the Remedial Investigation and Feasibility Study for the Site. The primary objectives of the RI/FS are to determine the nature and extent of contamination and to gather sufficient information so that EPA can select a long-term remedy that eliminates, reduces, or controls risks to human health. The investigation included the collection of airborne particulates, groundwater, surface water, surface soil, subsurface soil, and sediment data across the entire Site. Data from the RI/FS was not available at the time the health consultation was prepared and thus it was not incorporated into this health consultation.

The Arizona Department of Health Services received a request for a Health Consultation from the City of Litchfield Park, dated March 5, 2007. The nature of the request was for ADHS to determine if there was a risk to public health from eating fish taken from Tierra Verde Lake. The City sponsors an annual fishing derby and believed that some citizens were eating the fish they caught. The City tested their lake water and for the very first time, measurable amounts of perchlorates were detected. The probable source for the perchlorates was thought to be from a groundwater, contaminant plume originating from the Phoenix Goodyear Airport Superfund Site.

This report presents an assessment of human health risks from exposure to surface soil metals in the Old Tungsten Mill, Tucson, AZ. City of Tucson officials had planned to build a park, on a parcel of land they owned west of Silverbell Road and north of Speedway Boulevard in Tucson, Pima County, Arizona. They had raised $200,000 in bond money to study what was the Old Tungsten Mill site when they found high levels of contaminants in the soil. The Arizona Department of Health Services, Risk Assessment & Health Consultation Program offered assistance to the city. On October 13th, 2006 City Officials asked ADHS to perform a health consultation to evaluate whether exposure to contaminants in soil pose a public health hazard, either currently or during possible future reuse of the land.

Previous studies at Lake Havasu and Lake Powell, combined with other national data indicate that carbon monoxide poisoning from recreational watercraft can create a significant health hazard. The current study was designed not to repeat the 2003 study. Instead, it was designed to explore the potential health effects of carbon monoxide under the conditions of Humbug Cove. Humbug Cove is known for congregating idling boats, higher frequency of alcohol consumption, and being a location that was secluded and sheltered from breezes or wind.

For a century, Arizona has pursued prosperity through outward expansion of its urban areas. In metropolitan Phoenix and elsewhere, “growth” has meant developing raw land with new houses, new shopping centers, and new industrial parks--and the metropolitan “frontier” has moved farther outward from downtown every year. This has not been uniformly true, of course. Some cities--Phoenix, Tempe, and Scottsdale especially--have been grappling with the question of revitalizing older urban neighborhoods for many years. But the “outside game” has been the predominant development pattern in the Valley of Sun for many decades. And the Phoenix region has played this game better than one might think, creating many high-quality master-planned communities, protecting lots of open space, using impact fees to build good infrastructure. In other words, Phoenix has used the “outside game” to create a region so attractive it continues to be one of the fastest-growing metropolises in America. But in order for cities to play a good inside game, Arizona must get serious about urban revitalization. And that will require big changes.

Many Arizona street-level police officers and sheriff’s deputies report that they are skeptical of the ability of Arizona’s “pro-arrest” policy to reduce domestic violence, frustrated by a perceived lack of follow-up from prosecutors, and often at odds with victims whose predicaments they may not fully understand.

Domestic violence is a major social problem throughout Arizona, and a major daily challenge for law enforcement officers. Every day in Arizona, domestic violence injures victims, damages property, destroys families, breeds further crime and anti-social behavior, and perpetuates itself in younger generations. Like most states, Arizona has "criminalized" domestic violence (DV) by adopting laws and policies that bolster law enforcement officers’ arrest powers and require them to arrest suspects under certain circumstances.

This brief, the third issue in the "Criminal Justice Issues for Arizona" series, reveals that Pinal County's specialized court for domestic-violence cases offers some promising results for dealing with this common and complex offense. This report contains an analysis of data collected in the Pinal County Domestic Violence Database, which as of April 2008 contained 666 case records of domestic-violence offenders who were processed by one of the three courts. The database also contained information on a comparison group of offenders; however, these offenders are not included in this analysis because of insufficient numbers. Court officials are currently developing a more appropriate comparison group for use in a subsequent analysis. Table 3 presents the frequency and percent of offenses by levels of education: 8th grade and below, some high school, high school diploma, some college, college graduate, post-graduate degree, and unknown. Key findings include: (1) Offenders showed a significant increase in their self-reported coping abilities and in their satisfaction with the criminal-justice system during their period of supervision; (2) Offenders showed a significant decrease in their self-reported propensity for abusiveness to an intimate partner during their period of supervision; and (3) Only 9% of offenders committed another offense while in the program.